Burnham's First Fiscal Test: A VAT Cut, Phantom Savings, and a £850m Gap
The new Prime Minister, Andy Burnham, has barely settled into Downing Street, yet his administration is already locked in a fierce debate over fiscal responsibility. His inaugural major policy, an immediate cut to VAT on energy bills, is intended to offer "breathing space" to households, but it has quickly exposed the tightrope his government must walk between ambitious promises and a constrained public purse.
Burnham's headline-grabbing move involves reducing the VAT charged on energy bills in Great Britain from 5% to zero for a six-month period, commencing October 1st, coinciding with Ofgem's new price cap. The government touts this as a measure that will effectively reduce the typical annual price cap by £45 and trim headline inflation by approximately 0.1 percentage points. However, the perceived benefit is immediately overshadowed by a glaring question: how will it be paid for?
Downing Street's proposed solution is the cancellation of Keir Starmer's digital ID programme, a scheme projected to cost £1.8bn over three years. Yet, this funding mechanism has drawn sharp criticism. Darren Jones, recently dismissed as chief secretary to the prime minister, swiftly questioned the veracity of this saving, suggesting on X that Labour’s digital ID scheme itself was "unfunded." More pointedly, the Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS) highlights a crucial discrepancy: the VAT cut's single-year cost is £850m, while the digital ID programme's supposed saving spans three years. Helen Miller, director of the IFS, unequivocally states that the government will still need to identify "around £850m of as yet unspecified cuts from other departmental spending to pay for this."
This fiscal sleight of hand is not just an accounting detail; it carries significant economic implications. Firstly, the VAT cut is criticized for being poorly targeted. As Helen Miller of the IFS noted, "If the goal is to help low income households, a VAT cut is a poor lever since the biggest cash gains will go towards richer households." This suggests a significant portion of the £850m expenditure may not achieve its stated goal of broadly supporting those most in need, instead subsidizing consumption that might have been curtailed by more affluent households.
Secondly, the funding deficit underscores the immediate fiscal pressures facing Burnham's government. Despite official figures showing the UK borrowed less than expected in June, bond investors remain "on high alert," wary of Britain’s elevated borrowing and debt levels, the ongoing impact of the Iran war, and a general environment of rising spending demands. Burnham has pledged adherence to Labour’s fiscal rules and a manifesto promise not to raise taxes on working people. However, the Resolution Foundation projects that the fiscal headroom—once £23.6bn—has already shrunk to an estimated £10bn today, prompting the thinktank to declare, "There is no spare cash lying around."
This early challenge signals a testing period for the new administration. The immediate need to find unspecified cuts or risk ballooning the deficit comes at a time when the UK's fiscal position is under intense international scrutiny. The perceived use of a multi-year saving to fund a single-year expense, coupled with questions over the original funding of the cancelled programme, creates a narrative of fiscal ambiguity rather than clarity.
The implications extend beyond mere budgeting. It signals a government that, in its eagerness to deliver on a high-profile cost-of-living pledge, may be employing creative accounting that could undermine confidence in its broader economic strategy. The reliance on unspecified future cuts to balance the books, rather than concrete, transparent funding, could leave departments vulnerable and create uncertainty in public service planning. Burnham's initial economic gambit appears less a bold stroke and more a precarious balancing act with significant undisclosed costs.